Presidential and Parliamentary Systems of Government Essay Example for Free

Presidential and Parliamentary Systems of Government Essay Introduction and Main Distinguishing Features of Both Systems: A presidential system of government is one in which there is a head of government, i.e. the executive branch, who is separate from the legislature and is not accountable to it. Generally, the legislature does not hold power to dismiss the executive. This system can be traced back to the monarchal system in the medieval ages which countries such as France, England and Scotland followed where the Crown held all executive powers and not the parliament. When the office of the President of the United States was created, this system of separate powers of the executive and legislature was replicated in the U.S. Constitution. In contrast, a parliamentary system is different from the above because its executive branch of government needs the direct or indirect backing of the parliament to stay in power, which is generally expressed through a vote of confidence. However, the mechanism of checks and balances is different from one found in a presidential republic because there is no distinct separation of powers between the legislature and the executive. In parliamentary systems, the head of government and the head of state are distinct entities, where the former is the prime minister and the latter is an elected president or a hereditary monarch. The U.K. follows a parliamentary form of government, where the prime minister and the cabinet govern using their executive power on a daily basis, but actual authority is held with the head of state.[1] In distinguishing between presidential and parliamentary systems, three points must be considered. First, in a presidential system the head of government (the president) is elected for a fixed term and will serve this unless there is the unusual and exceptional process of impeachment, whereas in a parliamentary system the head of government (prime minister or equivalent) is dependent on the confidence of the legislature and thus can be removed (along with the whole government) by a motion of no-confidence. Second, in a presidential system the head of government (the president) is popularly elected, if not literally directly by the voters then by an electoral college popularly elected expressly for this purpose, whereas in a parliamentary system the head of government (prime minister or equivalent) is selected by the legislature. Third, in a presidential system there is effectively a one-person non-collegial executive, whereas in a parliamentary system the executive (i.e., the cabinet) is collective or collegial.[2] For his part, Sartori like Lijphart, makes three basic points in that ‘a political system is presidential if, and only if, the head of state (president) i) results from popular election, ii) during his or her pre-established tenure cannot be discharged by a parliamentary vote, and iii) heads or otherwise directs the governments that he or she appoints’. There are two distinctions between Lijphart and Sartori worth noting here. First of all, Lijphart refers to the president as the head of government whereas Sartori refers to him or her as the head of state. Second and related, Sartori conceives of the government as being broader than the individual president. As such, Sartori rejects as too narrow the notion ‘that the head of state must also be the head of government’ in favor of a looser notion that authority flows from the president down – perhaps via a separate head of government.[3] Mainwaring attributes two distinguishing features to a presidential democracy. First, the head of government is elected independently of the legislature in the sense that legislative elections and post-election negotiations do not determine executive power. In countries where the chief executive is selected by the legislature, not as a second alternative when the popular vote does not produce a clear winner but as the fundamental process, the system is either parliamentary (the vast majority of cases) or a hybrid (as in Switzerland). Post-election negotiations that determine which parties will govern and which will head the government are crucial in many parliamentary regimes, but they are not part of the selection process of chief executives in presidential systems. The chief executive in a presidential democracy is usually elected by popular vote, although some countries, notably the United States, have an electoral college rather than direct popular elections. Even so, in the United States, the popular vote has a virtually binding effect on Electoral College votes. In other presidential systems, including those in Argentina, Bolivia, and Chile (before 1973), the congress votes for a president if there is no absolute majority in the popular vote. Yet the popular vote is the first criterion, and in Argentina and Chile, tradition has dictated that congress will select the candidate with the most popular votes. Note that it must be the head of government-not simply the president-who is elected by popular vote or an electoral college. In Austria, Iceland, and Ireland, the president is elected by direct popular vote but has only minor powers and is therefore not the head of government.[4] The second distinguishing feature of presidential democracies is that the president is elected for a fixed period of time. Most presidential democracies allow for impeachment, but this practice is rare and does not substantially affect the definition because of its extraordinary character. The president cannot be forced to resign because of a no-confidence vote by the legislature, and consequently, the president is not formally accountable to congress. In a parliamentary system, in contrast, the head of government is elected by the legislature and subsequently depends on the ongoing confidence of the legislature to remain in office; thus the time period is not fixed.[5] Implications for Policy Making and Democracy: Whether a regime is parliamentary or presidential has a major impact on significant aspects of political life: how executive power is formed, relationships between the legislative and the executive branches, relationships between the executive and the political parties, the nature of the political parties, what happens when the executive loses support, and arguably even prospects for stable democracy and patterns of domination. The proponents of presidential claim that presidential systems claim that such systems ensure that the presidents power is a legitimate one because the president if, in most cases, elected directly by the people. The United States follows a different system in which the president is elected by an electoral college but is still considered to be popularly elected. Parliamentary executives can not claim to be elected via a direct vote of the people. Separation of powers is another benefit which the presidential system provides because it established the executive branch and the legislative as two distinct structures which allows each body to supervise and oversee the other and prevents abuse of the system. In a parliamentary system, the executive is not separate from the legislature, reducing the chances of criticism or scrutiny, unless a formal condemnation in the form of a vote of no confidence takes place. Hence, in a parliamentary system, a prime ministers unethical deeds or instances of misconduct might never be discovered as Woodrow Wyatt (former British Member of Parliament) said while writing about the famous Watergate scandals during the presidency of Richard Nixon, dont think a Watergate couldnt happen here, you just wouldnt hear about it.[6] In a parliamentary system, even though the option of a vote of no confidence is available, it is an option resorted to only in extreme cases. It is considered extremely difficult to influence or stop a prime minister or cabinet who has already decided to pass legislation or implement measures. Voting against important legislation is tantamount to a vote of no confidence, as a consequence of which the government is changed after holding of elections. This is a very tedious process because of which it is a rare occurrence in some parliamentary countries. Britain for example has only rarely undergone such a situation. Therefore, it is often believed that in a parliamentary system, because of the lack of separation of powers, the Parliament can not actually exercise any real control over the executive. However, there can be a downside to separation of powers. Presidential systems can lead to a situations where the President and Congress both evade blame by passing it to the other. In the words of former Treasury Secretary C. Douglas Dillon as he described the United States, The president blames Congress, the Congress blames the president, and the public remains confused and disgusted with government in Washington.[7] Woodrow Wilson agreed in his thesis, Congressional Government in the United States, as he said, †¦how is the schoolmaster, the nation, to know which boy needs the whipping? . . . Power and strict accountability for its use are the essential constituents of good government. . . . It is, therefore, manifestly a radical defect in our federal system that it parcels out power and confuses responsibility as it does. The main purpose of the Convention of 1787 seems to have been to accomplish this grievous mistake. The `literary theory of checks and balances is simply a consistent account of what our constitution makers tried to do; and those checks and balances have proved mischievous just to the extent which they have succeeded in establishing themselves . . . [the Framers] would be the first to admit that the only fruit of dividing power had been to make it irresponsible.[8] Separation of Powers has mixed implications. It can lead to gridlock, i.e. when it becomes next to impossible to pass items on the partys agenda because the legislature is almost equally divided, usually an occurrence in the U.S. when the Senate and House of Representatives are dominated by opposing parties. However, the upside to gridlock is that it often prevents radical policy changes. Another problem with the presidential system is that while it is inherently stable because the president is elected for a fixed term, this also compounds the issue of the presidency being a zero-sum game, where winner takes all. As Linz (1990, 56) states, The danger that zero-sum presidential elections pose is compounded by the rigidity of the presidents fixed term in office. Winners and losers are sharply defined for the entire period of the presidential mandate†¦losers must wait four or five years without any access to executive power and patronage. The zero-sum game in presidential regimes raises the stakes of presidential elections and inevitably exacerbates their attendant tension and polarization. Parliamentary elections can also lead to one party winning an absolute majority, in most scenarios a number of parties gain representation through these elections. Power is often shared and coalitions are formed, as a consequence of which the position holders give due weight to the needs and interests of smaller parties. In turn, these parties expect a certain share in power and as is obvious, are stakeholders in the overall system, instead of non-entities. Now if, as is the case in presidential systems, one sole person believes that he has independent authority and a popular mandate, he might start to develop a tendency towards authoritarianism. When he develops such notions about his standing and role, he will not react appropriately to the inevitable opposition to his policies, finding it annoying and unsettling, as would a prime minister who considers himself a mere representative of a temporary governing coalition and not the sole voice of the nation. Hence the examples of Venezuela and Colombia, where when democracy was reestablished in times of great political instability, and when the written constitutions warranted a presidential government, the leaders of chief political parties opted for consociational agreements whereby the rigid, winner-take-all consequences of presidential elections were softened.[9] While stability is often touted as one of the prime advantages of the presidential system, it is simply another word for rigidity. On the other hand, parliamentarism lends a certain element of flexibility to the political process. Advocates of presidentialism might reply that this rigidity is actually a plus because it prevents the uncertainty and instability so definitive of parliamentary politics. Under parliamentary government, after all, a number of entities, even rank-and-file legislators, can choose to adopt basic changes, cause realignments and shifts, and, most importantly, make or break prime ministers. But it must be remembered that while the need for authority and predictability might serve as justifications for presidentialism, there can be a myriad of unexpected developments- anything from the death of the incumbent to serious errors in judgment committed under the pressure of adverse political circumstances – that often lead to the presidential rule being less predictable and often weaker than that of a prime minister. The latter can always make efforts to bolster up his legitimacy and authority, be it through a vote of confidence or the dissolution of parliament and the consequential new elections. Also, a prime minister can be changed without it necessarily leading to a major regime crisis.[10] Conclusion: The above analysis has largely favored a parliamentary system over a presidential one. However, one must remember that success regimes, regardless of the amount of thought and care gone into their design, are determined by the extent of support they manage to arrest from society at large, its major forces, groups and institution. Public consensus therefore is a basic need, which confers legitimacy to the authority of the regime, and this is achieved only by the power which is attained lawfully and in a democratic fashion. Regimes also depend to a large extent on the ability and aptitude of their leaders to govern, to arouse trust and to respect the boundaries of the power they hold. Every country has unique aspects that one must take into account-traditions of federalism, ethnic or cultural heterogeneity, and so on. Both systems have their pros and cons, even parliamentary systems can suffer grave crises. Hence, countries must consider their own individual past, present and future, in order to determine which system has the greater probability of success. References Hardin, Charles. 1989. A Challenge to Political Science. PS: Political Science and Politics 22(3): 595-600. Lijphart, Arend, ed. 1992. Introduction in A. Lijphart (ed.), Parliamentary versus presidential government. Oxford: Oxford University Press. Linz, Juan. 1990. The Perils of Presidentialism. Journal of Democracy (Winter): 51-69. Mainwaring, Scott and Shugart, Matthew. 1997. Juan Linz, Presidentialism, and Democracy: A Critical Appraisal. Comparative Politics 29(4): 449-471. Mainwaring, Scott. 1990. Presidentialism in Latin America. Latin American Research Review 25(1):157-179. Sartori, Giovanni. 1994. Neither presidentialism nor parliamentarism, in J.J. Linz A. Valenzuela (eds.), The failure of presidential democracy, vol. 1: Comparative perspectives. Baltimore, MD: Johns Hopkins University Press. Thomas, Jo. Oct. 9 1988. The fate of two nations. The New York Times. Wilson, Woodrow. 1886. Congressional Government: A Study in American Politics. The New Englander 45(192). [1] Mainwaring, Scott and Shugart, Matthew. 1997. Juan Linz, Presidentialism, and Democracy: A Critical Appraisal. Comparative Politics 29(4): 449-471. [2] Lijphart, Arend, ed. 1992. Introduction in A. Lijphart (ed.), Parliamentary versus presidential government. Oxford: Oxford University Press. [3] Sartori, Giovanni. 1994. Neither presidentialism nor parliamentarism, in J.J. Linz A. Valenzuela (eds.), The failure of presidential democracy, vol. 1: Comparative perspectives. Baltimore, MD: Johns Hopkins University Press. [4] Mainwaring, Scott. 1990. Presidentialism in Latin America. Latin American Research Review 25(1):157-179. [5] Linz, Juan. 1990. The Perils of Presidentialism. Journal of Democracy (Winter): 51-69 [6] Thomas, Jo. Oct. 9 1988. The fate of two nations. The New York Times. [7] Hardin, Charles. 1989. A Challenge to Political Science. PS: Political Science and Politics 22(3): 595-600. [8] Wilson, Woodrow. 1886. Congressional Government: A Study in American Politics. The New Englander 45(192). [9] Linz, Juan. 1990. [10]   Linz, Juan. 1990.

Depression in Americas Teens :: Exploratory Essays Research Papers

Depression in America's Teens Teenage Depression. Everywhere you look these two words appear together as one, in newspapers and magazines, as well as in scholarly reports. Teenage depression is one of today's "hot topics" this among other teenage mental health problems, has been brought to the forefront of public consciousness in recent years after several incidents involving school shootings (CQ 595). The environment that teens grow up in today is less supportive and more demanding than it was twenty years ago. Not only are the numbers of depressed teens rising, but children are also being diagnosed at younger and younger ages. Studies have found that, "There is an estimated 1.5-3 million American children and adolescents who suffer from depression, a condition unrecognized in children until about 20 years ago" (CQR 595). This increase in depression is due to social factors that teenagers have to deal with everyday. A recent study found that, "About five percent of teenagers have major depression at any one time. Depression can be very impairing, not only for the affected teen, but also for his or her family-and too often, if not addressed, depression can lead to substance abuse or more tragic events" (NAMI.org). Gender roles and other societal factors including the pressures on girls to look and act a certain way, the pressures on boys to suppress their emotions and put on a tough front and the pressures on both sexes to do well in school and succeed, all contribute to depression in teens today. Depression is a growing problem which crosses gender lines and one that needs to be dealt with with more than just medication. Clinical depression goes beyond sadness or having a bad day. It is a form of mental illness that affects the way one feels, thinks, and acts. Depression in children can lead to failure in school, alcohol or other drug abuse and even suicide. The warning signs of depression fall into four different categories: emotional signs, cognitive signs (those involving thinking), physical complaints, and behavioral changes. Depending upon the degree of depression, a child may experience a few symptoms or many. Also, the severity of each symptom may vary. According to the CQ Researcher, "School

Josephine Beauharnais Essay

Behind every great man lies an even greater woman. The woman adds character to the man and also affects his actions and morals. The story of Napoleon Bonaparte would be incomplete without consideration of his first wife, Josephine. She contributed so much to his development and passion because of her influence. This greatly impacted his leadership, military victories, and and was an inspiration behind the Napoleonic Code. Therefore without Josephine’s influence, Napoleon would not have become who he was. To understand Napoleon one must first understand Josephine Bonaparte’s history. Marie was the first wife of Napoleon Bonaparte.She was a popular Empress and had many defining characteristics which helped to shape her life. Josephine had a great impact on Napoleon’s emotions which affected the decisions and actions that he made directly and indirectly. (PBS; Napoleon and Josephine, http://www.pbs.org/empires/napoleon/n_josephine/courtship/page_1.html) She made him feel secure, provided him with emotional support, and gave him confidence which ultimately had a bearing on his decisions and actions. (PBS; Napoleon and Josephine, http://www.pbs.org/empires/napoleon/n_josephine/emperor/page_1.html) Another one of the ways in which Josephine helped Napoleon was through his military accomplishments. Prior to meeting Josephine, Napoleon was nothing more than a short, slight, shabby young artillery man, lacking real military victories. (Mossiker, 79) Josephine allowed Napoleon to strive for more than just a mistress but love. (Mossiker, 81) His fondness for her still remained with him even during his battles. After their wedding, he successfully conquered Italy in 1796-97. (Mossiker, 202) He continued his success conquering Egypt and this battle was significant because France gained a lot of gold and rare gems as well as the Rosetta stone; which was the key to hieroglyphic translations. (Mossiker, 134-139) While Napoleon was fighting his campaigns, Josephine used her connections to France’s political leaders to further Napoleon’s political career, hosting several parties that resulted in Napoleon quickly being promoted. That resulted in Napoleon gaining national prestige. (Josephine’s Influence on Napoleon, http://sphseuro.blogspot.ca/2009/02josephines-influence-on-napoleon.html) However, Josephine was chronically unfaithful to Napoleon. Napoleon nearly ended his Italian Campaign early simply to return to France and confront his wife. (Josephine’s Influence on Napoleon, http://sphseuro.blogspot.ca/2009/02josephines-influence-on-napoleon.html) A letter written to Josephine from Napoleon on the subject of her infidelity was published in several English newspapers, which mocked France and its ruler. Her several affairs almost led to their divorce, but Napoleon felt that a seemingly stable marriage would further his political aspirations and the two remained married. Josephine’s Influence on Napoleon, http://sphseuro.blogspot.ca/2009/02josephines-influence-on-napoleon.html) Therefore, even without her being present on the battle field, or even in the same country, it was Josephine’s inspirational spirit, that encouraged Napoleon throughout all of his major victories against Italy and Egypt. Napoleon created a code in which reflected his morals towards the family unit and marriage. In 1803, Napoleon established his own code of laws in order to repeal previous laws that weakened marriage. (The Law Behind the Man, https://www.mtholyoke.edu/courses/rschwart/hist255/jkr/napoleon.html) The 1792 divorce law was repealed and drastically changed. Before it was possible for either a husband or wife to petition for a divorce on numerous grounds, but Napoleon changed the laws so divorce could only be petitioned for under mutual consent and incompatibility. (The Law Behind the Man, https://www.mtholyoke.edu/courses/rschwart/hist255/jkr/napoleon.html) There were criteria that had to be met before a husband or wife could petition for a divorce on either of those grounds; if it was because of incompatibility the petitioner had to show proof of cruelty, adultery, or objected to certain humiliating forms of punishment administered by her spouse (Phillips 1988, p. 185). This is significant because it helps strengthen the family by giving both husband and wife the power to separa te. The Napoleonic Code also emphasized the family as a functioning unit. The needs and desires of the individual had been put ahead of others in the eighteenth century. (The Law Behind the Man, https://www.mtholyoke.edu/courses/rschwart/hist255/jkr/napoleon.html) Napoleon heightened parental authority by requiring their permission in divorce cases and a husband’s power by reducing the rights of his wife. â€Å"A wife†¦.owed obedience to her husband, a husband protection to his wife, and that the wife was obliged by law to live with her husband and to follow him wherever he judged it convenient to live.† (Phillips 1988, p. 186) This law strengthened the family unit, giving each marriage partner specific duties and rules. Again, because of Josephine’s influence he created this law to protect his family by providing more structure in the family unit. Even though it may seem that Josephine did not have a more profound impact on the world as Napoleon did, her relationship with Napoleon helped to motivate him to develop his military, personal, social achievements. Without Josephine, Napoleon would not have accomplished what he did and the world we know today would be drastically different. Works Cited Biography.com. A+E Television Networks, n.d. Web. 28 Sept. 2012. . Courtiers and Favourites of Royalty. N.p.: n.p., n.d. Open Library. Web. 28 Sept. 2012. . only read the short 4 paged biography Empress Josephine. London: Oxford UP, 1963. Print. Encyclopedia Brittanica. N.p., n.d. Web. 28 Sept. 2012. . European History. N.p., n.d. Web. 28 Sept. 2012. . Heritage History. Heritage-History, n.d. Web. 28 Sept. 2012. . History Reference Centre. N.p.: n.p., n.d. Ebscohost. Web. 28 Sept. 2012. . Napoleon and Josephine. N.p.: Simon, n.d. Print. Bonaparte. London: Allen & Unwin, n.d. Print. Empress Josephine. Cambridge: Knapton, 1964. Print. Frances Mossiker’s Napoleon & Josephine. N.p.: Frances Mossiker, 1965. Print. Napoleon. New York: Aubry, 1964. Print. Napoleon Bonaparte. New York: Thompson, 1952. Print.

Africa Is Not War Or Terrorism - 847 Words

Africa is a continent that has many countries, resources, culture and diversity. However, for the past 50 years there is a huge conflict that threatens all of Africa. It is not war or terrorism, it is in the environment. To start off, the Sahel is spans 5,400 km/ 3,360 mi from the Atlantic Ocean in the west to the Red Sea in the east. The belt varies from several hundred to a thousand kilometers (620 miles) in width, covering an area of 3,053,200 sq km/ 1,178,850 sq mi). The Sahel is known as the transitional region of semi-arid grasslands, savannas, steppes, and thorn shrub lands lying between the wooded Sudanian savanna to the south and the Sahara to the north. Some of the countries that it the Sahel captures are northern Senegal, southern Mauritania, central Mali, northern Burkina Faso, extreme south of Algeria, Niger, extreme north of Nigeria, central Chad, central and southern Sudan, and northern Eritrea. The climate is typically hot, sunny, dry and somewhat windy all year long. The Sahel s climate is mainly affected by the Intertropical Convergence Zone (ITCZ). The zone at at the thermal equator is where the trade winds meet. The low pressure belts then and migrates with the changing position of the thermal equator. Because of this there is a huge lack of rainfall, in place like Gao, Mali the rainfall is just 200 mm per year! With the air mass and lack of rain (pattern is very irregular from season to season) will continue to cause desertification of Sahel andShow MoreRelatedForeign Internal Defense Of North Africa1504 Words   |  7 Pages FOREIGN INTERNAL DEFENSE IN NORTH AFRICA Michael Watson Terrorism and Counter Terrorism May 15, 2016  In the United State’s led Global War on Terror; the best battles are the ones won before they even start. The way this is achieved is through a strategy called Foreign Internal Defense. Foreign Internal Defense is â€Å"the major military to military advisory effort under National Assistance†1. 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